The border between Lebanon
and occupied Palestine has gone through several historical phases since the last quarter of the nineteenth century. The lines of the border shifted significantly, and areas on one side shrank at the expense of the other, especially during the Mandate period, when neither Lebanon nor Palestine had any say in the matter. These changes in the border would not have taken place had it not been for the Mandate authorities’ bias and the international community’s bias in favor of Israel.
The Ottoman Administrative Divisions on the Eve of World War I
After the Ottoman victory over the Mamluk
in 1516 in the Battle of Marj Dabiq
and during the four centuries of Ottoman rule, the administrative divisions of the geographical region that now comprises Lebanon and Palestine were changed several times. The final change took place at the end of the nineteenth century, when the Ottoman Vilayet of Beirut
was established in 1888. This vilayet included the entire coastal region extending from Lattakieh
to the northern port of Jaffa
. In addition to the city of Beirut
and the two districts (sanjaqs) of Lattakieh
and Tripoli
, it included the sanjaqs of Beirut
, Acre
, and Nablus
. The Beirut sanjaq included the sub-districts (qadas) of Saida
, Tyre
and Marja'uyun
, while the sanjaq of Acre consisted of the qadas of Acre
, Nazareth
, Tiberias
, and Safad
.
The boundary line between thesanjaq of Acre and the sanjaq of Beirut extended from west to east, starting from Ra's al-Naqura
on the Mediterranean
coast until the western edge of the Lake Hula
. A three-way intersection point marked the boundaries between the two sanjaqsand the Sanjaq of Hauranin the Vilayet of Syria
. In practical terms, the qada of Acre stood opposite the qada of Tyre, and likewise the qadas of Safad and Marja'uyun. These administrative divisions made by the Ottoman Empire
within the newly created vilayet of Beirut remained in place until World War I
. Then, the Ottomans abolished the Beirut vilayet and the [semi-autonomous] Mutasarrifiyya of Mount Lebanon
, placing them under the direct control of the Ottoman army, which is how they remained until the end of the war in 1918.
Between 1916, when the Sykes-Picot Agreement
was signed, and 1923, when the Paulet–Newcombe Agreement
was reached, what would become the border between Palestine and Greater Lebanon
went through stages of complexity and uncertainty, due to the competition for influence between France
and Britain
on the one hand and the ambitions of Zionist movements on the other, as well as the difficulty to access some unpublished Franco-British agreements.
The Sykes-Picot Agreement
The Sykes-Picot Agreement was initially a secret arrangement between Great Britain and France signed in May 1916, with the approval of Russia
, to prepare for the dividing up of the Arab region, known as the Fertile Crescent
, after the end of World War I and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, into spheres of influence. The content of the agreement can be summed up as follows: Cilicia
and the coastal regions of [present-day] Syria
and Lebanon were to fall directly under French influence (shown in blue on an accompanying map illustrating the division of influence); and the region of Baghdad
and Basra
was to come under British influence (shown in red). Palestine (brown) was to be placed under international supervision, with the exception of Acre and Haifa
, which were to be placed under direct British control. France was to be given “priority of right of enterprise” (i.e. potential investments) in an area marked (A) on the map, which included Mosul
and present-day Syria, while Britain was given similar priority for investments in area (B), which included northern Iraq and the present-day Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan
. It is notable that the boundaries separating these areas were drawn with thick lines on the map, which was drawn to a very small scale (1:2,000,000), which made it impossible to track the precise location of these boundaries. This caused debate and led to renegotiations between Britain and France at later stages.
The Sykes-Picot Agreement demarcated to a large extent the border between what was to become Greater Lebanon and Palestine with a line running from west to east, with a slight bend toward the north, starting from al-Zib
south of Ra's al-Naqura until a point south of Ayn Ebel
, and then a more significant bend to the southeast until the western edge of Lake Tiberias
, specifically at the starting point of the Jordan River
at this lake. Accordingly, the Hula Valley
and the greater part of Lake Tiberias were included within the boundaries of the area intended to be subject to direct French control.
The agreement thus made the new borders it demarcated align only partially with those of the Ottoman administrative divisions. It appears that it roughly adhered to the boundaries of the Ottoman qadaof Tyre, from Ra's al-Naqura – al-Zib up to the south of Ayn Ebel. However, it disregarded the boundary between the qadas of Marja'uyun and Safad, and pushed the line southward, from the western part of Hula Lake up to the southern tip of Lake Tiberias. This adjustment was made at the expense of the greater part of the Safad qada and part of the Tiberias qada (which both belonged to the sanjaq of Acre), which were colored in blue.
Anglo–French Division of Military Control
On 23 October 1918, after British forces completed their occupation of the Arab territories that were part of the Ottoman Empire, and since the French contribution to the war effort in those areas was marginal, General Edmund Allenby
imposed what he called “guidelines” on the French side for the Occupied Enemy Territory Administration
(OETA). According to his guidelines, these territories were divided into three zones: a southern zone, OETA-South (Palestine); a northern zone, OETA-North (renamed OETA-West the following month); and an eastern zone, OETA-East (the British “Hashemite” zone). As for OETA-West, Allenby set its boundaries to make its area correspond to the zone colored blue in the Sykes-Picot Agreement. He excluded from it parts of the Safad and Tiberias qadas that had been colored blue by Sykes-Picot (as well as the qadas of Baalbek
, Hasbayya
, and Rashayya
). In other words, he returned the sanjaq of Acre in its entirety to Palestine. Although the British claimed at the time that this division was a purely military one, its political impact would become clear later, at least in part.
In fall 1919, British forces withdrew completely from Syria in the direction of OETA-South. Meanwhile, France had strengthened its military presence in OETA-West, enabling its forces to advance to the [boundary] line running from Ra's al-Naqura to the Hula Valley, in consensus between General Allenby and the French High Commissioner, General Henri Gouraud
. However, this did not necessarily mean a full deployment by both sides along the entirety of the line. During this period, diplomatic negotiations were progressing to give France the mandate over Syria, including [present-day] Lebanon, and to grant Britain the mandate over Palestine, including Transjordan
, while incorporating the Balfour Declaration
into the British Mandate. This was formalized at the San Remo Conference
in April 1920. However, negotiations regarding the whole of the Lebanese-Palestinian border were stalling due to Zionist demands, which were backed by the British. Some of these demands concerned control over the entire area south of the Litani River
and the sources of the Jordan River; other demands were related to the ability of the proposed Jewish national homeland in Palestine to accommodate all of the pre-existing Jewish colonies in the north, such as Metula
. The French initially refused to settle for anything less than what had been granted to them by the Sykes-Picot Agreement, but by June 1920 they had conceded that the pre-existing Jewish colonies that were north of the Ra's al-Naqura–Hula boundary would remain within [British-mandate] Palestine.
The Borders of Greater Lebanon
Drawing legitimacy from the decisions taken at the San Remo Conference, France completed its military control over Syria at the Battle of Maysalun
in July 1920. After that, General Gouraud was then able to use his powers to issue an arrêté, or decree, on 31 August—Decree No. 318—proclaiming the establishment of the state of le Grand Liban (Greater Lebanon). Article 1, section 3(a) stipulated that the southern part of Greater Lebanon was to include "the sanjaqof Saida [the Beirut sanjaq in the official Ottoman nomenclature], except for what of it was annexed to Palestine in accordance with international agreements." Article 2 stated that the southern border of Lebanon would be "its border with Palestine as will be delineated by international agreements." The decree intended to consolidate the state of affairs as they had come to be on the ground and had two important implications: (a) it acknowledged that Greater Lebanon was not to include in its southern region lands that had been included in the sphere of direct French influence according to the Sykes-Picot Agreement; and (b) by referring to “international agreements”, once in the past tense and once in the future tense, it acknowledged the absence of solid terms of reference and made a part of the Lebanese-Palestinian border subject to future bargaining between France on the one hand and Britain and the Zionist Movement
behind it on the other.
Toward the Paulet–Newcombe Agreement
The pace of Franco-British negotiations over the borders quickened after September 1920 and culminated in an agreement on 23 December that delineated the borders of the French Mandate over Lebanon and Syria on one side and the British Mandate over Palestine, Transjordan, and Iraq on the other. Since the negotiations took place in London
and Paris
, the agreement sufficed to simply list the locations, towns, and routes that would constitute the border without illustrating them on a map. Article 2 of the agreement stipulated the creation of a commission within three months whose task it would be to demarcate the borders on the ground.
The commission, headed by Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart Francis Newcombe
from Britain and Lt-Col. N. (Maurice) Paulet
from France, began its work on 1 June 1921. On 3 February 1922, the officers signed off on their final report for setting the borders between Greater Lebanon and Syria on one side and Palestine on the other. On 7 March 1923, the Paulet–Newcombe Agreement was drawn up under the official title of the "Agreement between His Majesty's Government and the French Government respecting the Boundary Line between Syria and Palestine from the Mediterranean to El Hammé
" and was registered with the League of Nations
on 6 February 1924.
The demarcation comprised the marking of 71 geographical points starting from the Mediterranean
coast until the town of al-Hamma to delineate the border between Lebanon and Palestine and Syria and Palestine-Transjordan. Out of 71 points, 38 points were concentrated on delineating Lebanon from Palestine, so that the Lebanese-Palestinian border extended from the Ra's al-Naqura rock formation in the west until the ancient Roman bridge on the Wazzani River
. Although France succeeded in having Greater Lebanon preserve its territory within a line extending from Ra's al-Naqura in the west until southern Aitaroun
in the east, it agreed to have taken away from its mandate the areas that were supposed to have been part of the French sphere of direct influence in the Sykes-Picot Agreement. These were sections of the Ottoman qadas of Tiberias, Safad, and Marja'uyun, in that order. These sections were represented in the Paulet–Newcombe Agreement in a bulge that was called “the Finger of the Galilee” [now referred to as the Galilee Panhandle
], that included Lake Tiberias, the Hula Valley and its lake, and a portion of the Lebanese and Syrian tributaries of these two lakes, reaching up to the source of the Wazzani River. The area of the land torn out from the Ottoman-era qada of Marja'uyun for the “finger” is estimated to span around 74 square kilometers.
The “Seven Villages” and the Good Neighbors Agreement
On 9 March 1921, a few weeks after the initial agreement on the borders, the French High Commissioner issued Decree No. 763, which ordered a census to be taken of the Greater Lebanon region, most likely deriving legitimacy for it from this agreement. Subsequently, on 10 March 1922, he issued Decree No. 1307, which proclaimed as Lebanese nationals everyone who was registered as Lebanese in the census records. However, after the border demarcation was completed, the residents of seven villages, who had been surveyed and registered in the Lebanese census records, found themselves on the Palestinian side of the border. One of these villages was Tayr Bikha
(or Tarbikha), which had been part of the Tyre qada during the Ottoman era. The other six villages—Abil al-Qamh
, Hunin
, al-Nabi Yusha'
, Qadas
, al-Malikiyya al-Jabal
, and Saliha
—were located in the qada of Marja'uyun.
This situation arose from the fact that the topographical survey conducted by negotiators and technicians from both sides was not grounded solely on what was stipulated in the December 1920 agreement. It was also influenced by mutual pressure from both sides and subjected to Zionist interference at every stage. From a practical point of view, the final demarcation amended some of what had been stated in the 1920 agreement; concerning the border between Lebanon and Palestine, more land was taken away from the former to be annexed to the Galilee Panhandle. In addition to the consequences this had for the residents of these seven villages, the final demarcation resulted in agricultural lands that belonged to one or another of these villages now falling on the other side of the border.
Despite the ratification of the Paulet–Newcombe Agreement, the British, under pressure from the Zionist movements, continued to drag their feet in implementing it. This eventually led to another agreement to amend the Paulet–Newcombe boundaries, known as the "Good Neighbors Agreement
," which was officially signed by both Mandate powers in Jerusalem
on 2 February 1926. This agreement formalized the taking of Lebanese lands in the Hula Valley, the Galilee Panhandle, and the seven villages, and including them in Palestine. The agreement also adopted practical measures that were to be taken to placate the anger of the residents of these lands who were now cut off from their means of livelihood, grazing areas for their livestock, their sources of water, and even their waqfs (fixed religious endowments) by this arbitrary and unjust new border. The League of Nations ratified the Paulet–Newcombe Agreement in 1934, and these boundaries now became officially designated as the internationally recognized border between Lebanon and Palestine.
In overall terms, the outcome of the Paulet–Newcombe Agreement and its subsequent amendments was to shrink the total area of Lebanon, from 12,000 square kilometers (as can be deduced from the Sykes-Picot map) to its current area of 10,452 square kilometers according to the estimates of many scholars and historians. As for the inhabitants of the “Seven Villages,” Zionist militias forcibly displaced them to Lebanon, and their villages were destroyed in the year of the Nakba
, as were hundreds of Palestinian villages during that time. In 1994, a decree signed by Lebanese president Elias Hrawi
restored Lebanese citizenship to the people who belonged to the Seven Villages.
The Lebanese-Israeli Armistice Agreement of 1949
After the 1948 War
, Lebanon and Israel signed an armistice agreement on 23 March 1949. Lebanon wanted to ensure that the armistice line should adhere to the internationally recognized border, as outlined in the first clause of Article 5 of the agreement: "The armistice Demarcation Line shall follow the international border between Lebanon and Palestine." This meant that it should adhere to the border line demarcated and fixed by the Paulet–Newcombe Agreement. The armistice agreement was accompanied by a map, along with a list of coordinates of 143 boundary points, which included the Paulet–Newcombe border points, along with additional intermediate points to enhance the precision of the border demarcation.
However, the Armistice Line of 1949
did not match the 1923 border line; it took away land from the towns and villages of South Lebanon
that were adjacent to the border. Some experts attributed this discrepancy to Lebanon’s use of French maps (which used the technique of relief shading to represent the features of the terrain), while the Israelis used British maps (which relied on contour, or topographic lines). Other contributing causes included the reality on the ground and the inaccuracy of the Paulet–Newcombe line, all of which meant that, ultimately, Lebanon lost around 16 square kilometers of territory [out of Paulet–Newcombe] from the demarcation of the armistice line in 1949. Lebanon’s official position is that the Armistice Line of 1949 marks its southern border with occupied Palestine.
The Blue Line
After Israel withdrew on 25 May 2000, the United Nations
established a boundary line to ascertain Israel's complete withdrawal from Lebanon, known as the "Blue Line
" since it was drawn in blue on maps. The Lebanese government recognized this line as a withdrawal line for the Israeli army and not as the international border, but it also expressed its reservations about this line. The reservations have to do with areas belonging to southern Lebanese villages and towns adjacent to the border with occupied Palestine, taking the Armistice Line demarcated in 1949 as the standard boundary to be adhered to. The areas referred to in Lebanon’s reservations are located next to the following villages, from west to east:
- Ra's al-Naqura
- Alma al-Shaab
(three reservations)
- al-Bustan
- Marwahin
- Rmeish
- Yaroun
- Maroun al-Ras
- Blida
- Mais al-Jabal
- Adayseh
- Adayseh - Kfar Kila
- Metula-Wazzani
These thirteen reservations cover a net area of approximately 500,000 square meters. This excludes the still occupied lands in the Shebaa Farms
and the Lebanese village of al-Mari
, which is on the Lebanese side of the border with the Syrian village of Ghajar
in the occupied Golan Heights
.
Conclusion
If the Sykes-Picot Agreement was the reference point by which the border lines between countries in the Near East
region were set over a century ago, then the Paulet–Newcombe Agreement that subsequently followed can be considered to have been very unfair to Lebanon. The areas of land lost by Lebanon on its borders with occupied Palestine for the benefit of Israel have accumulated and grown steadily in a chronology starting from Sykes-Picot to the UN’s Blue Line and until the present day. In each instance, foreign nations or intruder entities were behind the loss, which produced and continues to produce permanent historical and geopolitical grounds for keeping the conflict alive in this region.
The Ottomans decide to divide the Province of Syria
into two provinces: the Province of Syria and the Province of Beirut
. In Palestine, the Sanjaq of Nablus
and Sanjaq of Acre
are attached to Beirut. Sanjaq of Jerusalem
continues to be attached directly to Istanbul
.
On 23 November, one month after McMahon's letter to Sharif Hussein supporting an independent Arab state after the fall of the Ottoman Empire, British and French representatives meet to negotiate their respective countries' future spheres of influence over the Ottoman Arab provinces (and Turkey's Cilicia). On 3 February 1916, after a series of meetings, British Mark Sykes and French François Georges-Picot reach a deal they present to Russian foreign minister Sergueï Sazonov. The latter gives his government's consent 26 April, in return for agreeing to Russia's demand to take over Constantinople and other portions of the Ottoman Empire. The secret Sykes-Picot text (including map) is finalized on 8-9 May and ratified on 16 May. It provides, in particular, for the delimitation of a "brown area" on the map, covering part of what will become Mandate Palestine and where "shall be established an international administration, the form of which is to be decided upon after consultation with Russia, and subsequently in consultation with the other allies, and the representatives of the sheriff of Mecca."
With the Ottoman Empire
’s loss of its Arab provinces, the British and French attempt to allocate them, temporarily, between themselves, taking into account the terms of the Sykes-Picot Agreement
and the military situation on the ground. Consequently, General Allenby
issues (23 October) guidelines related to what is called Occupied Enemy Territory Administration
(OETA). OETA South, which covers the sanjaqs of Jerusalem
, Nablus
, and Acre
, is put under British military rule. It corresponds roughly to the international zone of the Sykes-Picot agreement and also to what will become the territory of the British Mandate west of the Jordan
. OETA North (renamed OETA West in December) which includes the Mutasarrifiyya of Mount Lebanon
and the Vilayet of Beirut
(minus the sanjaqs of Nablus and Acre) is allocated to the French, in line with Sykes-Picot agreement, but excludes the districts of Baalbek
, Hasbayya
, and Rashayya
which are to form part of OETA East. OETA East, under British–Arab control, consists roughly of Syria
and Transjordan
, in addition to the three mentioned districts, but its eastern boundary is not precisely determined.
The San Remo Conference
, attended by representatives of the Allied Powers
(Great Britain
, France
, Italy
, and Japan
), adopts resolutions that incorporate the Sykes-Picot Agreement
to a significant extent. The conference grants France "mandate" over Syria
(covering what will become Syria and Lebanon
), and Britain is granted “mandate” over Mesopotamia
and Palestine (covering what will become Iraq
, Palestine and Transjordan
). In relation to Article 22 of the League of Nations Covenant
(which says in paragraph 4 that ex-Ottoman communities "can be provisionally recognized as independent States" and that their "wishes must be a principal consideration in the selection of the Mandatory"), the conference distinguishes between Syria and Mesopotamia on one side, with Palestine on the other side. On Syria and Mesopotamia, the conference recalls the independence provision of Article 22 but does not refer to the communities’ "wishes." On Palestine, the conference recalls Article 22 but makes no mention of the community’s wishes or to independence. It reserves instead a specific provision that the Mandatory power will be responsible for implementing the Balfour Declaration
.
France
, on the basis of its agreement with Great Britain
(the Sykes-Picot Agreement
) and using the legal–diplomatic cover provided by the San Remo
resolutions (25 April) that granted it mandate over Syria
, issues (14 July) an ultimatum to the Syrian Arab government to disband its troops and submit to French control. Though King Faisal
tends to accept the ultimatum, his minister of defense Yusuf al-Azmeh
refuses to give in. Poorly armed troops under Azmeh’s command confront French forces (advancing from the territory that will become Lebanon
) in Maysalun
and are defeated on 24 July and Azmeh is killed in the battle. The following day, French troops occupy Damascus
, bringing an end to Faisal’s rule in Syria. On 31 August, French General Henri Gouraud
proclaims the establishment of the State of Greater Lebanon
, which includes, in addition to the Mutasarrifiyya of Mount Lebanon
, Beirut
, the Biqa' Valley
districts, and the cities of Tripoli
, Sidon
, and Tyre
and their surroundings. Since Lebanon and Palestine have been carved out of the Arab Syrian Kingdom
and handled separately, what remains nominally of the latter is reduced to Transjordan
territory.
An exchange of notes constituting an agreement between Britain
and France
as Mandatory powers over Palestine and Syria
, respectively, traces on the spot the boundary line between the two territories from the Mediterranean
to al-Himma
(i.e. separating Lebanon
and Syria to the north and Palestine and Transjordan
to the south), and includes three detailed maps on a scale of 1/50000. Known as the Paulet–Newcombe Agreement
, it implements the Franco-British Convention of 23 December 1920
(which had served to allay British fears concerning French intentions toward Transjordan.
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